Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-5g6vh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T02:24:19.215Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

More to social capital than Putnam

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2018

D. Pevalin*
Affiliation:
Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Essex, Colchester CO4 3SQ, UK
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Type
Columns
Copyright
Copyright © Royal College of Psychiatrists, 2003 

I would like to comment on the editorial by McKenzie et al (Reference McKenzie, Whitley and Weich2002) regarding social capital and mental health.

Putnam's conceptualisation of social capital is the one that has caught the interest of policy-makers in recent years but it is pre-dated, by at least a decade, by Bourdieu's (Reference Bourdieu1980, Reference Bourdieu and Richardson1985) theory of capital which, I would argue, has more relevance for the study of social and health inequalities. Portes (Reference Portes1998, Reference Portes2000) gives an accessible account of this dynamic view of social capital.

One of Bourdieu's main insights is that people consciously participate to build their various forms of capital and then use them to their advantage. In this way, social capital is a property of the individual, acquired though it may be through group membership. More importantly, social capital (along with all the other forms of capital) is then implicated in the production and reproduction of the very inequalities it is generally thought to mediate against. This dialectic poses some very real questions for the study of health inequalities over the life course, especially with regard to the possibility of disentangling any direct effects of social capital on health from the indirect effects of social capital through increased social mobility and access to economic capital.

This dynamic view of social capital also allows health research to go beyond examining health ‘status’ to investigate its role in the onset of and recovery from illness and poor health. Those with low stocks of capital are more likely to become ill and take longer to recover or are less likely to recover at all. Further, they are more likely to suffer adverse consequences of their illness in other fields, such as regaining employment, thus contributing to the widening of health inequalities.

Although I agree with most of the editorial on the potential of social capital as a heuristic device in studies of mental health, I was disappointed that it gave the impression of theoretical or conceptual consensus on the issue. I hope that my brief sketch will encourage researchers to go further than Putnam's ideas.

Footnotes

EDITED BY KHALIDA ISMAIL

References

Bourdieu, P. (1980) Le capital social: notes provisoires. Actes de la Recherche in Sciences Sociales, 31, 23.Google Scholar
Bourdieu, P. (1985) The forms of social capital. In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education (ed. Richardson, J. G.), pp. 241258. New York: Greenwood.Google Scholar
McKenzie, K., Whitley, R. & Weich, S. (2002) Social capital and mental health. British Journal of Psychiatry, 181, 280283.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Portes, A. (1998) Social capital: its origins and applications in modern sociology. Annual Review of Sociology, 24, 124.Google Scholar
Portes, A. (2000) The two meanings of social capital. Sociological Forum, 15, 112.Google Scholar
Submit a response

eLetters

No eLetters have been published for this article.